Showing posts with label Brazil. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brazil. Show all posts

Thursday, 16 September 2010

CHINA AND LATIN AMERICA - PARTNERSHIP FOR A NEW WORLD

Brazil's huge new port highlights China's
drive into South America

Investments guarantee Chinese access to soy, oil and other badly
needed resources

Wednesday 15 September 2010

The 'super port' in Sao Joao da Barra is the largest port
investment in Brazil and will have capacity for the largest
ships in the world. Photograph: Douglas Engle/Australfoto
Blades slicing through the morning heat, the helicopter
rose from the tarmac and swept into a cobalt sky, high
above Rio's Guanabara Bay.

It powered north-east over deserted beaches, dense Atlantic
rainforest and fishing boats that bobbed lazily in the
ocean below. Then finally, 80 minutes on, the destination
came into view: a gigantic concrete pier that juts nearly
two miles out into the South Atlantic and boasts an unusual
nickname: the Highway to China.

Dotted with orange-clad construction workers and propped up
by dozens of 38-tonne pillars, this vast concrete structure
is part of the Superporto do Acu, a £1.6bn port and
industrial complex that is being erected on the Rio
coastline, on an area equivalent to 12,000 football
pitches.

Reputedly the largest industrial port complex of its type
in the world, Açu is also one of the most visible symbols
of China's rapidly accelerating drive into Brazil and South
America as it looks to guarantee access to much-needed
natural resources and bolster its support base in the
developing world.

When Acu opens for business in 2012, its 10-berth pier will
play host to a globetrotting armada of cargo ships, among
them the 380-metre wide ChinaMax – the largest vessel of
its type, capable of ferrying 400,000 tonnes of cargo.

Millions of tonnes of iron ore, grain, soy and millions of
barrels of oil are expected to pass along the "Highway"
each year on their way east, where they will alleviate
China's seemingly unquenchable thirst for natural
resources.

"This project marks a new phase in relations between Brazil
and China," Rio's economic development secretary, Julio
Bueno, said during the recent visit of about 100 Chinese
businessmen to the port complex, which is being built by
the Brazilian logistics company LLX and should receive
billions of dollars of Chinese investment.

This new phase of engagement with Brazil and South America,
is part of China's "going out strategy" – an economic and,
some say, diplomatic push for Chinese companies, many of
them state-run, to invest abroad, snapping up access to
minerals, energy and food by pouring the country's colossal
foreign reserves into overseas companies and projects.

China is expected to overtake Japan as the world's second
largest economy this year and may already be the world's
greatest energy consumer. Now it is set to become Brazil's
top foreign investor, with its companies plowing $20bn into
the country in the first six months of 2010, compared with
$83m in 2009. A recent study by Deloitte predicted that
Chinese investments in Brazil could hit an average of about
$40bn a year between now and 2014, with companies throwing
money at sectors ranging from telecommunications,
infrastructure and farming, to oil, biofuels, natural gas,
mining and steel manufacturing.

"Relations with Brazil in all areas have entered a new
era," Qiu Xiaoqi, China's ambassador in Brazil, recently
told the state news agency Xinhua.

The surge in China's South American spending is not just a
Brazilian phenomenon. Ecuador has already signed around
$5bn of bilateral deals with China this year, including
$1.7bn to help build a hydro-electric dam and $1bn
investments for oil exploration and infrastructure
projects. That compared with Chinese investment of just
$56m in 2009.

Chinese companies have sunk $1.4bn into mining operations
in Peru this year, while in April Hugo Chávez announced
that the Chinese, already major sponsors of Venezuelan oil
exploration, had agreed to open a $20bn credit-line for the
"Bolivarian revolution".

Michael Klare, author of Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet, a
book about the growing tussle for global resources,
described today's China as "the shopaholic of planet
Earth".

"The Chinese authorities understand that to sustain the
country's continued growth, they will have to ensure that
its industries are provided with adequate supplies of
energy, minerals, and other basic raw materials," he said.
But the "going out" strategy went far beyond business
transactions, he added.

"They seek to fashion a multipolar world in which no single
power – read the United States – plays an overwhelmingly
dominant role. To this end, they seek to bolster ties with
rising regional powers like Brazil and South Africa."

In Sao Joao da Barra, the city nearest to Acu and one of
Rio state's poorest regions, the Chinese presence is being
felt even before Brazil's Highway to China is complete.

Keen to impress, LLX staff at the Açu port lay on hot water
and Mandarin interpreters for visiting Chinese dignitaries.
Sao Joao da Barra's town hall, meanwhile, has started
offering free Mandarin lessons to locals interested in
working with the wave of Chinese guests that is
anticipated.

"You should see a 10-year-old boy saying, 'I understand …
the Chinese are coming and when the Chinese industries come
I want to work for them and if I speak Mandarin I'll have a
competitive advantage on the others'," beamed Eike Batista,
the billionaire entrepreneur behind the superport and one
of the most vocal cheerleaders for Chinese advances into
Brazil. "[It is] wonderful."

Leonardo Gadelha, LLX's CFO, said during a recent tour of
the port: "This is part of a Chinese strategy of going to
the market more and more. They are already a very
considerable presence in Africa and we are now going
through this moment in Brazil."

The Highway to China lay "in the middle" of this blossoming
relationship with China, he said, adding: "We are betting
that … this will continue growing."

Not all Brazilians, or indeed western governments, share
such enthusiasm.

"There are many in Washington who worry about China's
growing presence in Africa and Latin America and claim that
this poses a threat to America's long-term strategic
interests," said Klare, noting, however, that the US'
"fixation" with Afghanistan and the war on terror meant
there had been virtually no reaction.

In Brazil meanwhile China's arrival has prompted cries of
neo-colonialism. "The Chinese have bought Africa and now
they are trying to buy Brazil," the prominent economist
Antônio Delfim Netto complained in a recent interview with
the Estado de Sao Paulo newspaper, warning that it was a
"grave mistake" to allow a foreign state to buy "land,
minerals [and] natural resources" from another sovereign
power.

Batista, Brazil's richest man, rejected such criticism,
saying: "The association between Brazil and China is a
two-way highway." Chinese companies such as Wuhan Iron and
Steel had committed to helping build a $5bn steel mill at
the port complex, rather than always shipping out primary
resources to process at home, he pointed out. "You want to
get three tonnes of raw iron ore, [so] produce one tonne of
steel in Brazil," he said. "That philosophy is sinking in
and is great for both sides."

Neither would Chinese companies be allowed to flood the
complex with hordes of foreign workers as had happened in
Africa, said Gadelha, the CFO.

"If it was up to them they would bring lots of Chinese
workers as they are used to doing," he admitted. "[But]
Brazil's legislation is very strict in this sense."

Batista suggested that rather than complaining about
China's courtship of Brazil, western powers should urge
their own companies to pay more attention to the region
themselves.

"In the last 15 years or so the [American and European]
CEOs have stopped coming here and that is why they are a
little bit behind," he said. "We are pushing European
companies and saying: 'You're not really understanding what
is happening in Brazil'."

"Don't put Brazil in the same bag as our neighbours," he
added. "We are not Central America. We are not Venezuela.
We are not Argentina."

============================

Beijing's deals

Brazil In November 2009 Brazilian energy giant Petrobras
signed a $10bn loan deal with China's Development Bank. As
part of the deal Petrobras will guarantee the supply of
200,000 barrels of oil per day to China over the next 10
years. Chinese companies and state banks pumped around
$20bn into Brazil in the first half of this year

Venezuela Hugo Chávez, pictured, unveiled a $20bn credit
line from China's Development Bank to fund the "Bolivarian
revolution" in April

Ecuador The country has already signed around $5bn of
bilateral deals with China this year, including $1.7bn to
help build a hydro-electric dam and $1bn investments for
oil exploration and infrastructure projects. In 2009 direct
Chinese investment in the country was just $56m

Peru Chinese companies invested $1.4bn in mining operations
in Peru during the first four months of this year, making
China the country's second largest trade partner


CHINA AND LATIN AMERICA - PARTNERSHIP FOR A NEW WORLD

Brazil's huge new port highlights China's drive
into South America

Investments guarantee Chinese access to soy, oil and other badly
needed resources

Wednesday 15 September 2010

The 'super port' in Sao Joao da Barra is the largest port
investment in Brazil and will have capacity for the largest
ships in the world. Photograph: Douglas Engle/Australfoto
Blades slicing through the morning heat, the helicopter
rose from the tarmac and swept into a cobalt sky, high
above Rio's Guanabara Bay.

It powered north-east over deserted beaches, dense Atlantic
rainforest and fishing boats that bobbed lazily in the
ocean below. Then finally, 80 minutes on, the destination
came into view: a gigantic concrete pier that juts nearly
two miles out into the South Atlantic and boasts an unusual
nickname: the Highway to China.

Dotted with orange-clad construction workers and propped up
by dozens of 38-tonne pillars, this vast concrete structure
is part of the Superporto do Acu, a £1.6bn port and
industrial complex that is being erected on the Rio
coastline, on an area equivalent to 12,000 football
pitches.

Reputedly the largest industrial port complex of its type
in the world, Açu is also one of the most visible symbols
of China's rapidly accelerating drive into Brazil and South
America as it looks to guarantee access to much-needed
natural resources and bolster its support base in the
developing world.

When Acu opens for business in 2012, its 10-berth pier will
play host to a globetrotting armada of cargo ships, among
them the 380-metre wide ChinaMax – the largest vessel of
its type, capable of ferrying 400,000 tonnes of cargo.

Millions of tonnes of iron ore, grain, soy and millions of
barrels of oil are expected to pass along the "Highway"
each year on their way east, where they will alleviate
China's seemingly unquenchable thirst for natural
resources.

"This project marks a new phase in relations between Brazil
and China," Rio's economic development secretary, Julio
Bueno, said during the recent visit of about 100 Chinese
businessmen to the port complex, which is being built by
the Brazilian logistics company LLX and should receive
billions of dollars of Chinese investment.

This new phase of engagement with Brazil and South America,
is part of China's "going out strategy" – an economic and,
some say, diplomatic push for Chinese companies, many of
them state-run, to invest abroad, snapping up access to
minerals, energy and food by pouring the country's colossal
foreign reserves into overseas companies and projects.

China is expected to overtake Japan as the world's second
largest economy this year and may already be the world's
greatest energy consumer. Now it is set to become Brazil's
top foreign investor, with its companies plowing $20bn into
the country in the first six months of 2010, compared with
$83m in 2009. A recent study by Deloitte predicted that
Chinese investments in Brazil could hit an average of about
$40bn a year between now and 2014, with companies throwing
money at sectors ranging from telecommunications,
infrastructure and farming, to oil, biofuels, natural gas,
mining and steel manufacturing.

"Relations with Brazil in all areas have entered a new
era," Qiu Xiaoqi, China's ambassador in Brazil, recently
told the state news agency Xinhua.

The surge in China's South American spending is not just a
Brazilian phenomenon. Ecuador has already signed around
$5bn of bilateral deals with China this year, including
$1.7bn to help build a hydro-electric dam and $1bn
investments for oil exploration and infrastructure
projects. That compared with Chinese investment of just
$56m in 2009.

Chinese companies have sunk $1.4bn into mining operations
in Peru this year, while in April Hugo Chávez announced
that the Chinese, already major sponsors of Venezuelan oil
exploration, had agreed to open a $20bn credit-line for the
"Bolivarian revolution".

Michael Klare, author of Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet, a
book about the growing tussle for global resources,
described today's China as "the shopaholic of planet
Earth".

"The Chinese authorities understand that to sustain the
country's continued growth, they will have to ensure that
its industries are provided with adequate supplies of
energy, minerals, and other basic raw materials," he said.
But the "going out" strategy went far beyond business
transactions, he added.

"They seek to fashion a multipolar world in which no single
power – read the United States – plays an overwhelmingly
dominant role. To this end, they seek to bolster ties with
rising regional powers like Brazil and South Africa."

In Sao Joao da Barra, the city nearest to Acu and one of
Rio state's poorest regions, the Chinese presence is being
felt even before Brazil's Highway to China is complete.

Keen to impress, LLX staff at the Açu port lay on hot water
and Mandarin interpreters for visiting Chinese dignitaries.
Sao Joao da Barra's town hall, meanwhile, has started
offering free Mandarin lessons to locals interested in
working with the wave of Chinese guests that is
anticipated.

"You should see a 10-year-old boy saying, 'I understand …
the Chinese are coming and when the Chinese industries come
I want to work for them and if I speak Mandarin I'll have a
competitive advantage on the others'," beamed Eike Batista,
the billionaire entrepreneur behind the superport and one
of the most vocal cheerleaders for Chinese advances into
Brazil. "[It is] wonderful."

Leonardo Gadelha, LLX's CFO, said during a recent tour of
the port: "This is part of a Chinese strategy of going to
the market more and more. They are already a very
considerable presence in Africa and we are now going
through this moment in Brazil."

The Highway to China lay "in the middle" of this blossoming
relationship with China, he said, adding: "We are betting
that … this will continue growing."

Not all Brazilians, or indeed western governments, share
such enthusiasm.

"There are many in Washington who worry about China's
growing presence in Africa and Latin America and claim that
this poses a threat to America's long-term strategic
interests," said Klare, noting, however, that the US'
"fixation" with Afghanistan and the war on terror meant
there had been virtually no reaction.

In Brazil meanwhile China's arrival has prompted cries of
neo-colonialism. "The Chinese have bought Africa and now
they are trying to buy Brazil," the prominent economist
Antônio Delfim Netto complained in a recent interview with
the Estado de Sao Paulo newspaper, warning that it was a
"grave mistake" to allow a foreign state to buy "land,
minerals [and] natural resources" from another sovereign
power.

Batista, Brazil's richest man, rejected such criticism,
saying: "The association between Brazil and China is a
two-way highway." Chinese companies such as Wuhan Iron and
Steel had committed to helping build a $5bn steel mill at
the port complex, rather than always shipping out primary
resources to process at home, he pointed out. "You want to
get three tonnes of raw iron ore, [so] produce one tonne of
steel in Brazil," he said. "That philosophy is sinking in
and is great for both sides."

Neither would Chinese companies be allowed to flood the
complex with hordes of foreign workers as had happened in
Africa, said Gadelha, the CFO.

"If it was up to them they would bring lots of Chinese
workers as they are used to doing," he admitted. "[But]
Brazil's legislation is very strict in this sense."

Batista suggested that rather than complaining about
China's courtship of Brazil, western powers should urge
their own companies to pay more attention to the region
themselves.

"In the last 15 years or so the [American and European]
CEOs have stopped coming here and that is why they are a
little bit behind," he said. "We are pushing European
companies and saying: 'You're not really understanding what
is happening in Brazil'."

"Don't put Brazil in the same bag as our neighbours," he
added. "We are not Central America. We are not Venezuela.
We are not Argentina."

============================

Beijing's deals

Brazil In November 2009 Brazilian energy giant Petrobras
signed a $10bn loan deal with China's Development Bank. As
part of the deal Petrobras will guarantee the supply of
200,000 barrels of oil per day to China over the next 10
years. Chinese companies and state banks pumped around
$20bn into Brazil in the first half of this year

Venezuela Hugo Chávez, pictured, unveiled a $20bn credit
line from China's Development Bank to fund the "Bolivarian
revolution" in April

Ecuador The country has already signed around $5bn of
bilateral deals with China this year, including $1.7bn to
help build a hydro-electric dam and $1bn investments for
oil exploration and infrastructure projects. In 2009 direct
Chinese investment in the country was just $56m

Peru Chinese companies invested $1.4bn in mining operations
in Peru during the first four months of this year, making
China the country's second largest trade partner


CHINA AND LATIN AMERICA - PARTNERSHIP FOR A NEW WORLD

Brazil's huge new port highlights China's drive
into South America

Investments guarantee Chinese access to soy, oil and other badly
needed resources

Wednesday 15 September 2010

The 'super port' in Sao Joao da Barra is the largest port investment
in Brazil and will have capacity for the largest ships in the world.
Photograph: Douglas Engle/Australfoto Blades slicing through the
morning heat, the helicopter rose from the tarmac and swept into a
cobalt sky, high above Rio's Guanabara Bay.

It powered north-east over deserted beaches, dense Atlantic
rainforest and fishing boats that bobbed lazily in the ocean below.
Then finally, 80 minutes on, the destination came into view: a
gigantic concrete pier that juts nearly two miles out into the South
Atlantic and boasts an unusual nickname: the Highway to China.

Dotted with orange-clad construction workers and propped up by dozens
of 38-tonne pillars, this vast concrete structure is part of the
Superporto do Acu, a £1.6bn port and industrial complex that is being
erected on the Rio coastline, on an area equivalent to 12,000
football pitches.

Reputedly the largest industrial port complex of its type in the
world, Açu is also one of the most visible symbols of China's rapidly
accelerating drive into Brazil and South America as it looks to
guarantee access to much-needed natural resources and bolster its
support base in the developing world.

When Acu opens for business in 2012, its 10-berth pier will play host
to a globetrotting armada of cargo ships, among them the 380-metre
wide ChinaMax – the largest vessel of its type, capable of ferrying
400,000 tonnes of cargo.

Millions of tonnes of iron ore, grain, soy and millions of barrels of
oil are expected to pass along the "Highway" each year on their way
east, where they will alleviate China's seemingly unquenchable thirst
for natural resources.

"This project marks a new phase in relations between Brazil and
China," Rio's economic development secretary, Julio Bueno, said
during the recent visit of about 100 Chinese businessmen to the port
complex, which is being built by the Brazilian logistics company LLX
and should receive billions of dollars of Chinese investment.

This new phase of engagement with Brazil and South America, is part
of China's "going out strategy" – an economic and, some say,
diplomatic push for Chinese companies, many of them state-run, to
invest abroad, snapping up access to minerals, energy and food by
pouring the country's colossal foreign reserves into overseas
companies and projects.

China is expected to overtake Japan as the world's second largest
economy this year and may already be the world's greatest energy
consumer. Now it is set to become Brazil's top foreign investor, with
its companies plowing $20bn into the country in the first six months
of 2010, compared with $83m in 2009. A recent study by Deloitte
predicted that Chinese investments in Brazil could hit an average of
about $40bn a year between now and 2014, with companies throwing
money at sectors ranging from telecommunications, infrastructure and
farming, to oil, biofuels, natural gas, mining and steel
manufacturing.

"Relations with Brazil in all areas have entered a new era," Qiu
Xiaoqi, China's ambassador in Brazil, recently told the state news
agency Xinhua.

The surge in China's South American spending is not just a Brazilian
phenomenon. Ecuador has already signed around $5bn of bilateral deals
with China this year, including $1.7bn to help build a hydro-electric
dam and $1bn investments for oil exploration and infrastructure
projects. That compared with Chinese investment of just $56m in 2009.

Chinese companies have sunk $1.4bn into mining operations in Peru
this year, while in April Hugo Chávez announced that the Chinese,
already major sponsors of Venezuelan oil exploration, had agreed to
open a $20bn credit-line for the "Bolivarian revolution".

Michael Klare, author of Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet, a book
about the growing tussle for global resources, described today's
China as "the shopaholic of planet Earth".

"The Chinese authorities understand that to sustain the country's
continued growth, they will have to ensure that its industries are
provided with adequate supplies of energy, minerals, and other basic
raw materials," he said. But the "going out" strategy went far beyond
business transactions, he added.

"They seek to fashion a multipolar world in which no single power –
read the United States – plays an overwhelmingly dominant role. To
this end, they seek to bolster ties with rising regional powers like
Brazil and South Africa."

In Sao Joao da Barra, the city nearest to Acu and one of Rio state's
poorest regions, the Chinese presence is being felt even before
Brazil's Highway to China is complete.

Keen to impress, LLX staff at the Açu port lay on hot water and
Mandarin interpreters for visiting Chinese dignitaries. Sao Joao da
Barra's town hall, meanwhile, has started offering free Mandarin
lessons to locals interested in working with the wave of Chinese
guests that is anticipated.

"You should see a 10-year-old boy saying, 'I understand … the Chinese
are coming and when the Chinese industries come I want to work for
them and if I speak Mandarin I'll have a competitive advantage on the
others'," beamed Eike Batista, the billionaire entrepreneur behind
the superport and one of the most vocal cheerleaders for Chinese
advances into Brazil. "[It is] wonderful."

Leonardo Gadelha, LLX's CFO, said during a recent tour of the port:
"This is part of a Chinese strategy of going to the market more and
more. They are already a very considerable presence in Africa and we
are now going through this moment in Brazil."

The Highway to China lay "in the middle" of this blossoming
relationship with China, he said, adding: "We are betting that … this
will continue growing."

Not all Brazilians, or indeed western governments, share such
enthusiasm.

"There are many in Washington who worry about China's growing
presence in Africa and Latin America and claim that this poses a
threat to America's long-term strategic interests," said Klare,
noting, however, that the US' "fixation" with Afghanistan and the war
on terror meant there had been virtually no reaction.

In Brazil meanwhile China's arrival has prompted cries of
neo-colonialism. "The Chinese have bought Africa and now they are
trying to buy Brazil," the prominent economist Antônio Delfim Netto
complained in a recent interview with the Estado de Sao Paulo
newspaper, warning that it was a "grave mistake" to allow a foreign
state to buy "land, minerals [and] natural resources" from another
sovereign power.

Batista, Brazil's richest man, rejected such criticism, saying: "The
association between Brazil and China is a two-way highway." Chinese
companies such as Wuhan Iron and Steel had committed to helping build
a $5bn steel mill at the port complex, rather than always shipping
out primary resources to process at home, he pointed out. "You want
to get three tonnes of raw iron ore, [so] produce one tonne of steel
in Brazil," he said. "That philosophy is sinking in and is great for
both sides."

Neither would Chinese companies be allowed to flood the complex with
hordes of foreign workers as had happened in Africa, said Gadelha,
the CFO.

"If it was up to them they would bring lots of Chinese workers as
they are used to doing," he admitted. "[But] Brazil's legislation is
very strict in this sense."

Batista suggested that rather than complaining about China's
courtship of Brazil, western powers should urge their own companies
to pay more attention to the region themselves.

"In the last 15 years or so the [American and European] CEOs have
stopped coming here and that is why they are a little bit behind," he
said. "We are pushing European companies and saying: 'You're not
really understanding what is happening in Brazil'."

"Don't put Brazil in the same bag as our neighbours," he added. "We
are not Central America. We are not Venezuela. We are not Argentina."

============================

Beijing's deals

Brazil In November 2009 Brazilian energy giant Petrobras signed a
$10bn loan deal with China's Development Bank. As part of the deal
Petrobras will guarantee the supply of 200,000 barrels of oil per day
to China over the next 10 years. Chinese companies and state banks
pumped around $20bn into Brazil in the first half of this year

Venezuela Hugo Chávez, pictured, unveiled a $20bn credit line from
China's Development Bank to fund the "Bolivarian revolution" in April

Ecuador The country has already signed around $5bn of bilateral deals
with China this year, including $1.7bn to help build a hydro-electric
dam and $1bn investments for oil exploration and infrastructure
projects. In 2009 direct Chinese investment in the country was just
$56m

Peru Chinese companies invested $1.4bn in mining operations in Peru
during the first four months of this year, making China the country's
second largest trade partner

Thursday, 7 January 2010

VOICE OF BRITISH FINANCIAL ELITE: US ARE LOSING THE FREE WORLD

America is losing the free world

By Gideon Rachman

4 Jan, 2010, FT

Ever since 1945, the US has regarded itself as the leader of the “free world”. But the Obama administration is facing an unexpected and unwelcome development in global politics. Four of the biggest and most strategically important democracies in the developing world – Brazil, India, South Africa and Turkey – are increasingly at odds with American foreign policy. Rather than siding with the US on the big international issues, they are just as likely to line up with authoritarian powers such as China and Iran.

The US has been slow to pick up on this development, perhaps because it seems so surprising and unnatural. Most Americans assume that fellow democracies will share their values and opinions on international affairs. During the last presidential election campaign, John McCain, the Republican candidate, called for the formation of a global alliance of democracies to push back against authoritarian powers. Some of President Barack Obama’s senior advisers have also written enthusiastically about an international league of democracies.

But the assumption that the world’s democracies will naturally stick together is proving unfounded. The latest example came during the Copenhagen climate summit. On the last day of the talks, the Americans tried to fix up one-to-one meetings between Mr Obama and the leaders of South Africa, Brazil and India – but failed each time. The Indians even said that their prime minister, Manmohan Singh, had already left for the airport.

So Mr Obama must have felt something of a chump when he arrived for a last-minute meeting with Wen Jiabao, the Chinese prime minister, only to find him already deep in negotiations with the leaders of none other than Brazil, South Africa and India. Symbolically, the leaders had to squeeze up to make space for the American president around the table.

There was more than symbolism at work. In Copenhagen, Brazil, South Africa and India decided that their status as developing nations was more important than their status as democracies. Like the Chinese, they argued that it is fundamentally unjust to cap the greenhouse gas emissions of poor countries at a lower level than the emissions of the US or the European Union; all the more so since the industrialised west is responsible for the great bulk of the carbon dioxide already in the atmosphere.

Revealingly, both Brazilian and Chinese leaders have made the same pointed joke – likening the US to a rich man who, after gorging himself at a banquet, then invites the neighbours in for coffee and asks them to split the bill.

If climate change were an isolated example, it might be dismissed as an important but anomalous issue that is almost designed to split countries along rich-poor lines. But, in fact, if you look at Brazil, South Africa, India and Turkey – the four most important democracies in Latin America, Africa, Asia and the greater Middle East – it is clear that none of them can be counted as a reliable ally of the US, or of a broader “community of democracies”.

In the past year, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil has cut a lucrative oil deal with China, spoken warmly of Hugo Chávez, president of Venezuela, and congratulated Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad on his “victory” in the Iranian presidential election, while welcoming him on a state visit to Brazil.

During a two-year stint on the United Nations Security Council from 2006, the South Africans routinely joined China and Russia in blocking resolutions on human rights and protecting authoritarian regimes such as Zimbabwe, Uzbekistan and Iran.

Turkey, once regarded as a crucial American ally in the cold war and then trumpeted as the only example of a secular, pro-western, Muslim democracy, is also no longer a reliable partner for the west. Ever since the US-led invasion of Iraq, opinion polls there have shown very high levels of anti-Americanism. The mildly Islamist AKP government has engaged with America’s regional enemies – including Hamas, Hizbollah and Iran – and alarmed the Americans by taking an increasingly hostile attitude to Israel.

India’s leaders do seem to cherish the idea that they have a “special relationship” with the US. But even the Indians regularly line up against the Americans on a range of international issues, from climate change to the Doha round of trade negotiations and the pursuit of sanctions against Iran or Burma.

So what is going on? The answer is that Brazil, South Africa, Turkey and India are all countries whose identities as democracies are now being balanced – or even trumped – by their identities as developing nations that are not part of the white, rich, western world. All four countries have ruling parties that see themselves as champions of social justice at home and a more equitable global order overseas. Brazil’s Workers’ party, India’s Congress party, Turkey’s AKP and South Africa’s African National Congress have all adapted to globalisation – but they all retain traces of the old suspicions of global capitalism and of the US.

Mr Obama is seen as a huge improvement on George W. Bush – but he is still an American president. As emerging global powers and developing nations, Brazil, India, South Africa and Turkey may often feel they have more in common with a rising China than with the democratic US.